# The Humanitarian Crisis of the Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh: Issues with their Living and the Host Government's Repatriation Initiatives September 30, 2025 Mohammad Tarikul Islam - [ Blog ](/news-categories/blog) The sociocultural fabric of the region has been severely strained by the extended coexistence of more than a million refugees and the local population in a densely populated and resource-constrained environment. The Rohingya have lost their ties to the land, resources, and customary means of subsistence that constituted their communities in Myanmar as a result of their forced relocation. [Infuriating Bangladesh and endangering regional stability](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2017/11/14/rohingya-ethnic-cleansing-and-the-international-communitys-response/?share=google-plus-1&nb=1), Myanmar, which has been governed by a military junta since 2021, has refused to permit its Rohingya citizens to return home despite diplomatic efforts. [The Rohingya people](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2023/02/06/coxs-bazaar-insecurity-criminality-and-rohingya-women/), who live in subpar bamboo and tarpaulin homes on dangerous and ecologically degraded soil, are particularly vulnerable to these climate-related disruptions. Families are forced to leave the camps on a regular basis due to the potential of severe damage and secondary displacement during each monsoon and storm. As a "threat multiplier," this powerful confluence of pre-existing vulnerability, environmental degradation, and increasing climate hazards exacerbates food insecurity, health risks, and protection concerns. It can also prompt refugees to embark on dangerous onward sea journeys in pursuit of safety and stability. [Living within host communities](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2025/06/30/from-refugee-to-slur-rohingya-as-signifier-of-otherness-in-everyday-bangladesh/) occasionally disrupts established institutions, produces new sources of conflict, and affects community norms, as seen by the situation of Rohingya refugees living alongside host communities. An environmental crisis with serious and long-lasting effects on the environment and its inhabitants has been triggered by the construction of the [largest refugee colony](https://www.tbsnews.net/thoughts/bangladesh-china-bilateral-relations-influences-geopolitics-and-rohingya-crisis-216052) in the world in an area that is already known for its ecological fragility. Environmental deterioration actively contributes to conflict, vulnerability, and danger rather than just serving as a background for the humanitarian crisis. The region's water resources are under unsustainable strain due to the concentration of more than a million people. [Both host and refugee communities](https://www.tbsnews.net/thoughts/resolving-rohingya-crisis-needs-three-pronged-diplomatic-strategy-964381) are experiencing water scarcity, especially during the dry season, as a result of the rapid depletion of the shallow groundwater aquifer caused by the growth of hundreds of shallow tube wells to supply water to the camps. [Decades of persecution](https://www.tbsnews.net/thoughts/resolving-rohingya-crisis-needs-three-pronged-diplomatic-strategy-964381) followed by what turned out to be genocidal violence, along with decades of ongoing stressors that come with living in prolonged displacement, are the main causes of the Rohingya crisis's massive and widespread mental health burden. There is a general sense of rage, helplessness, and insecurity as a result of their economy failing, people finding it difficult to control access to resources, and their legitimate worry of rising crime and insecurity. The host community's traumatic experience is a major factor in the deterioration of intercommunal relations. Since the government of Bangladesh has only allowed informal schooling in the camps until recently, young girls and boys are routinely excluded from formal, authorised education. Although the Myanmar Curriculum's implementation is a step in the right direction, access is still restricted, and there are no recognised certification programs or avenues for higher education. [Deep dissatisfaction, despair, and worry](https://www.tbsnews.net/thoughts/rohingya-crisis-repatriation-efforts-alongside-relocation-bhasan-char-must-be-persistent) are fueled by this debilitating lack of opportunity and a promising future. Additionally, it leaves a dangerous void that makes disenfranchised youth—especially young men—more vulnerable to recruitment and exploitation by criminal networks and armed organisations that operate in the camps, thus sustaining cycles of instability and violence. Due to the overcrowding and frequently unsanitary circumstances in the camps, children are also extremely susceptible to epidemics of infectious diseases. Additionally, the widespread psychological stress that affects their families and communities directly affects children. They experience severe symptoms of trauma and despair, according to evidence from psychosocial therapies, but they can also benefit greatly from focused care in terms of their development and general well-being. One significant weakness in the current solution is the disregard for these [intergenerational vulnerabilities](https://www.tbsnews.net/thoughts/military-interference-myanmar-and-plight-rohingya-repatriation-198841). Due to their shared Muslim identity, close proximity to other cultures, and some linguistic similarities between the Rohingya and Chittagonian dialects, the locals served as first responders, providing food, water, and shelter to the traumatised and worn-out Rohingya refugees who were arriving in Myanmar. The loss of social cohesiveness and the rise in antagonism, resentment, and frustration within the host community are two apparent patterns that have been noted in numerous investigations. Such a shift in perspective may be seen in local media reports, which contrasted stories of solidarity with the detrimental effects of the immigrant population on the economy and security. The most powerful source of conflict is probably economic competition. The inflow of a sizable, desperate refugee population willing to work for wages much lower than the market rate has caused local wages to decline and displaced members of the host community from jobs in construction, agriculture, and other day labour occupations. Many residents feel as though they are being squeezed financially on both sides as a result of this direct competition and the rising cost of living, which includes rising food and rent prices. Environmental tensions and resource strain are other important issues. Every day, conflict arises from competing for finite natural resources, including water, firewood, and grazing land. The environmental harm caused by the camps, which have diminished the resource base upon which many locals rely for their livelihoods, has further exacerbated this animosity. A third important source of conflict is security concerns. Significant concern and the belief that the presence of refugees directly threatens the host community's physical safety and social order have been sparked by the recorded increase in criminal activity, including drug and human trafficking, as well as the violent actions of armed organisations inside the camps. The international community's perceived preferential treatment of migrants is a potent emotional motivator. [When Rohingya receive large relief packages from NGOs and UN agencies](https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/89999/1/southasia-2018-05-15-considering-the-consequences-for-human-security.pdf) while their own needs are ignored, members of the host community, who also experience extreme poverty, frequently express a profound sense of unfairness. Whether or not this impression is totally true, it erodes unity and breeds intense animosity. In stating the requirements for their voluntary return, the Rohingya refugees themselves have been astonishingly united and consistent. These are essential conditions for their existence and dignity, not optional procedural points. The refugee community will not agree to return unless there is genuine, demonstrable progress on these fundamental concerns, especially the crucial citizenship issue. Under the current circumstances, any attempt to repatriate them would be involuntary and would be considered refoulement, which is against customary international law. This harsh reality highlights a widening gap between the refugee population's changing goals and lived experiences and the policy's exclusive emphasis on repatriation. [Many younger refugees](https://www.thedailystar.net/star-multimedia/news/myanmar-journalists-tell-horrific-stories-ethnic-groups-and-rohingya-3978391), who have been displaced for years and have no recollection of Myanmar or hope for a future there, are increasingly turning to third-country resettlement or even dangerous irregular migration as alternatives to [the traditional desire of older generations](https://www.humanmovement.cam.ac.uk/blog/covid-19-and-state-preparedness-rohingya-refugees-bangladesh-june-1-2020) to return to their ancestral lands. The literature identifies the main ineffective method as the government of Bangladesh's central policy, which treats the crisis as a temporary issue that can only be resolved by repatriation. Since it deliberately forbids the adoption of more long-term solutions in the areas of livelihoods, education, and housing, short-termism is the primary cause of many of the secondary issues covered in this analysis. It is also believed that the accompanying policy of harsh securitisation of the camps, which included barbed-wire fences and mobility and communication limitations, was ineffective. In addition to [violating the rights of refugees](https://oxfordpoliticalreview.com/2020/12/01/influx-of-rohingya-refugees-un-resolution-and-diplomatic-endeavour-of-bangladesh-government/), these actions also make it more difficult to provide humanitarian relief, increase the risk of protection (as was the case during the devastating fire in 2021), and cultivate an environment of fear and estrangement. There is a persistent and serious lack of funding for the humanitarian response. Aid organisations are forced to make severe changes to vital programs because the yearly Joint Response Plan often falls short of its funding goals. [The health and safety of refugees](https://www.thedailystar.net/star-multimedia/news/myanmar-journalists-tell-horrific-stories-ethnic-groups-and-rohingya-3978391) are directly and severely impacted by this disparity, which affects every area, from the lowering of life-saving food rations to the scaling back of healthcare, WASH, and protection measures. The ability of refugees to effectively participate in the management and administration of their own lives is still lacking. The urgent need to abandon a merely emergency-based humanitarian response and embrace a more comprehensive, long-term strategy that bridges [the "humanitarian-development-peace nexus](https://www.thedailystar.net/rohingya-influx/news/repatriation-hinges-myanmar-3970546)" is a major issue coming out of the policy literature. For the benefit of both refugees and their hosts, this entails a fundamental transition from temporary relief to long-term planning. Numerous sources support a "whole of society" strategy that acknowledges the crisis's prolonged character and aims to develop long-lasting local remedies. To do this, [the government, development actors](https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/resolving-the-rohingya-crisis-requires-greater-solidarity-3971486) (who are concerned with long-term infrastructure, economic growth, and system strengthening), and humanitarian actors (who are concerned with immediate life-saving needs) must all work much more closely together to ensure that their efforts complement one another and advance a common, sustainable vision. The policy landscape displays a basic conundrum. Bangladesh's current policy framework, which is intended to expedite repatriation while preventing local integration, is actively creating the conditions—insecurity, desperation, a lack of education, and a risk of radicalization—that make the refugee population a more significant and intractable long-term security and social challenge for Bangladesh. [A change towards a medium-term policy of empowerment and self-reliance](https://www.thedailystar.net/rohingya-influx/news/we-mustnt-wait-till-last-rohingya-leaves-rakhine-3970326) is thus more than a humanitarian imperative; it is a realistic necessity for Bangladesh's long-term peace and security. [The interim government](https://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/editorial/news/resolving-the-rohingya-crisis-requires-greater-solidarity-3971486) remains hopeful that the international community will continue to support Rohingya humanitarian operations and their eventual repatriation to Myanmar with safety, dignity, and full rights, as the previous government attempted but failed to do following the Annan Commission's recommendations. Bangladesh's unique era of political upheaval has intensified violence and renewed hope for Rohingya refugees, but their future remains uncertain and tough. Is the interim administration capable of negotiating political solutions and providing assistance for displaced communities? Many observers believe that [Bangladesh's interim administration](https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/rohingya-crisis-china-can-offer-realistic-solution-experts-say-3970431) faces a difficult road ahead, one that will require finding a compromise between the country's population's hopes for justice and the urgent needs of its refugees. While a political solution in Myanmar is the ultimate solution, the Bangladesh government in collaboration with development partners and like-minded actors can adopt an intergenerational lens, and governments can shift from a reactive crisis-management mindset to a [proactive strategy](https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/rohingya-crisis-china-can-offer-realistic-solution-experts-say-3970431) that invests in human development and creates a more resilient and hopeful future for the next generation of Rohingya until they are safely and dignifiedly returned to Myanmar. Keeping all previous possibilities in mind, I propose Professor Yunus' Four-in-One Diplomatic Approach as a solution to the long-standing Rohingya crisis. The four-pronged approach to diplomacy respects the international community's genuine desire to ensure adequate funding for the Rohingya, applies consistent but coordinated diplomatic pressure on the Myanmar government to ensure the Rohingya's safe return, ensures the Chinese full participation in repatriation negotiations between Bangladesh and Myanmar, and investigates the possibility of resettling the Rohingya in third countries with comparable priorities. [*Mohammad Tarikul Islam*](https://hhi.harvard.edu/people/mohammad-tarikul-islam)*, Visiting Scientist, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, and Visiting Professor at Oxford, Cambridge, and Harvard.* Share on:- [ Facebook ](#) - [ Twitter ](#) - [ Linkedin ](#)