# Forced Migration in Bangladesh Geopolitical Reality, Human Security Fear and Diplomatic Efforts April 09, 2026 [ Mohammad Tarikul Islam ](/people/mohammad-tarikul-islam) Md. Zaki Faisal Md. Shihab Uddin - [ Blog ](/news-categories/blog) Bangladesh is currently housing more than one million Rohingya refugees, which raises severe questions regarding the safety of the populace. Although international responses to the violence have historically been divided, with governments focusing on supporting Myanmar's fragile democratic reforms, there has also been widespread criticism that the Myanmar government is doing too little to safeguard the Rohingya. [A 2016 report](https://bangladesh.un.org/en/302020-report-rohingya-perspectives-pathways-safe-dignified-and-peaceful-future) by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights stated that violations of Rohingya Muslims' human rights may suggest "the possible commission of crimes against humanity, if established by a court of law," and a very critical report by the International State Crime Initiative the previous year concluded that "the Rohingya face the final stages of genocide." The Rohingya minority is suffering from a pitiful lack of human security as a result of their protracted stay. Human trafficking poses a tremendous threat to the Rohingya refugees, who are already severely marginalized. It is obvious that transnational human trafficking gangs are actively considering how to exploit the Rohingya's vulnerability in this situation. As is obvious, women and girls are regularly duped into prostitution or domestic servitude after being promised work or marriage. Men and boys are frequently recruited as forced labourers in industries such as agriculture and construction. Traffickers exploit refugees' lack of legal paperwork, restricted freedom of movement, and lack of livelihood prospects in camps to force them into risky circumstances. Thousands of Rohingya try risky sea trips to Malaysia and Thailand, which are often sponsored by human trafficking syndicates. Abuse, extortion, and a high death rate are common throughout these travels. UN agencies operating in Bangladesh have made a plea to the international community for sufficient funding to give the Rohingya population the necessities of life, citing the persistent Rohingya issue as a possible threat to human security. The ever-changing issues facing refugees in their makeshift homes have been food and health security. People's shelters are in such a sad condition because of how dangerous and unsustainable this way of life is. The Rohingya camps in [Bangladesh face a significant human security problem](https://ishr.org/bangladesh-the-rohingya-refugee-crisis/) due to overpopulation (approx. 45,000 people), 41-63% financial shortfalls for aid, and increased violence from armed groups, including kidnapping and extortion. Over one million refugees in Cox's Bazar suffer severe food, water, and healthcare shortages, jeopardising both refugee lives and local host community stability. [Prolonged displacement](https://www.occrp.org/en/news/report-rohingya-refugees-exposed-to-violence-in-bangladesh-camps) has significantly eroded access to basic rights. The policy of restricting formal work has created near-total aid dependency for Rohingya refugees, while intense competition for resources has strained local capacity for the host community. This has created a fertile ground for negative coping mechanisms and exploitation. The initial generosity of the host community has given way to a state of "peaceful coexistence under strain." Tensions are driven not by overt hostility, but by tangible structural pressures. Despite China and India supporting Myanmar's position on the Rohingya issue, Bangladesh is making all possible efforts, in a competent manner, to harness both international and regional power in order to bring about an acceptable resolution to this unfolding calamity. We have noted that both nations have a significant economic and strategic stake in Myanmar. Even though Russia has no significant geopolitical interests in Myanmar, Moscow's stance on the matter at the UN may displease some of its Muslim friends, such as Iran. Despite Bangladesh's government's vigorous diplomatic efforts on all levels, the Myanmar government has been particularly reticent to return its citizens, the Rohingya. Rohingya's return to their country of origin will be uncertain in the days to come, and that they may stay in Bangladesh for an extended period of time. As far as we could tell, providing them with the bare necessities of life—food, housing, and healthcare—has been a top priority both now and throughout the time leading up to the return of Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar One of the most worrisome signals that has emerged as a result of recent events in Myanmar is that a certain amount of rising paranoia can be vividly witnessed among the general Burmese population. This trend has been accelerated by the revanchist thirst for power that has been displayed by Myanmar's military. This is placing pressure on the influence possessed by Myanmar's political "elites," and it is causing the government there to break free from the snares of Western democracy and political control. Humanitarian, political, law and order, security, development, and environmental considerations must be addressed while reconsidering various enforcement phases in light of the severity of the suffering endured by Rohingya refugees. In order to support the governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar in achieving voluntary, safe, and dignified returns, the international community collaborates closely with both governments. According to them, the Rohingya community's protracted cycle of displacement can only be broken by peaceful returns. In 2018, Myanmar, UNHCR, and UNDP signed a [Memorandum of Understanding](https://www.undp.org/press-releases/unhcr-and-undp-agree-text-mou-myanmar-support-creation-conditions-return-rohingya-refugees) (MoU) to enlighten refugees about their home nations. Although it has not yet been put into action as per plan, this memorandum of understanding permits Rohingya refugees to return to their communities and other regions (MoU). To transition from short-term crisis management to a long-term, development-oriented strategy that promotes rights, resilience, and stability for both groups, a strategic shift is necessary. To build economic resilience and reduce aid dependency, pilot market-linked vocational training, skills certification, and support for home-based businesses for both refugees and hosts could be implemented, as well as broadening the implementation of the Myanmar Curriculum Framework for Rohingya children and establishing bridge programs to alleviate the strain on host community schools. A multi-stakeholder strategy to launching joint host-refugee environmental projects (e.g., reforestation) and increasing the capacity of women, youth, and people with disabilities to participate effectively in community governance is critical. In five years, the Rohingya situation has escalated into a full-fledged humanitarian crisis with regional ramifications. It puts the [10-member ASEAN](https://www.fmreview.org/latinamerica-caribbean/shivakoti/) and its institutions to the test, showing the organization's lack of a political and legal framework to address refugee challenges. Any future problems can be resolved through the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, but this organization needs to be reinforced because it lacks the authority to protect and investigate. [ASEAN](https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/rohingya-resettlement-where-is-asean/) currently lacks a Human Rights Court to interpret and execute the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration, which is another factor that must be addressed if the region's refugees are to be protected. A full, voluntary, and dignified repatriation is fundamentally infeasible in the current political and security climate. In a coordinated effort, UN agencies, international and national NGOs, and governmental organizations work to safeguard women, men, girls, and boys who are refugees, offer them life-saving aid, and promote social cohesion. For Myanmar and Bangladesh as well as the rest of the region, problems of ambiguity and instability may arise if this issue is allowed to persist for an extended period of time. People believe that the greatest way to respect human rights is to permit Rohingyas to return to Myanmar, where they were born, with freedom of movement and other fundamental human rights. The BNP-led government has presented a plan for resolving the Rohingya situation that emphasises both strong diplomatic pressure on Myanmar and safe, voluntary, and sustainable repatriation. The party places a strong emphasis on a "Bangladesh First" strategy, viewing the situation as a major economic and national security burden that calls for quick fixes rather than long-term resettlement. This is how the newly elected government can go forward with a strategy or action to settle this protracted situation in an amicable manner. Bangladesh's government, with international backing, may consider adopt a national policy that formalises refugees' rights to education, health, and livelihoods while investing in host community development. Continue diplomatic engagement with all relevant parties in Myanmar, ASEAN, and the United Nations to ensure that promises of citizenship, land, and safety are met prior to any large-scale return. Donors must change to reliable, multi-year support that spans the humanitarian-development divide, prioritising long-term solutions over ongoing crisis management. People eagerly anticipate the successful return of the Rohingya to Myanmar and their subsequent access to several facets of human security. The UN, which is passionate about genuine Rohingya refugee repatriation from Bangladesh, must collaborate with donors and other stakeholders to find a permanent solution. Pressure the Myanmar government to return its nationals by fostering a safe and secure environment. We urge governments in this region and beyond to support Bangladesh and help Myanmar establish the necessary framework for Rohingya refugees' safe, dignified, and voluntary return. Security Council must begin planning a return trip to the Rohingya refugee camps to pressure the Myanmar government to establish "safe zones" for people from all backgrounds involved in armed conflict. As long as this problem remains unaddressed, the government of Bangladesh should keep up its efforts to convince other nations to maintain their engagement in the situation and continue catering to the immediate need of these migrants. We also demand that the Rohingya people be allowed to return to Myanmar in secure conditions, where they will no longer be forced to live in the constant fear that they would be persecuted. The media as an important instrument of diplomacy should emphasize repatriation alongside refugees' access to critical services. Repatriation is certainly the most essential subject, and everyone has a part to play. Despite ongoing security concerns and human rights violations in Myanmar, the Bangladesh government's efforts to return Rohingya refugees have received scant scrutiny. The media should simplify its role by using various advocacy tools to attract the attention of the national, regional, and international community to the importance of cooperating in the repatriation of Rohingya, given that the practice of unsustainable repatriation has been going on for four decades. **About Authors** [*Professor Dr Mohammad Tarikul Islam*](https://www.lse.ac.uk/granthaminstitute/profile/mohammad-tarikul-islam/)*, Visiting Scientist, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, Harvard University, Professor in Government and Politics, Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh and Visiting Professor at Oxford, Cambridge, LSE, and Harvard.* [*Md. Zaki Faisal*](https://www.lse.ac.uk/granthaminstitute/profile/md-zaki-faisal/) *is the Programme Officer of the Aspire to Innovate (a2i) Programme, ICT Division, Dhaka, Bangladesh and honorary Deputy Director, Centre for Local Governance Discourse, Bangladesh.* [*Md. Shihab Uddin*](https://www.lse.ac.uk/granthaminstitute/profile/md-shihab-uddin/)*, Assistant Director, Centre for Local Governance Discourse, Dhaka, Bangladesh* Share on:- [ Facebook ](#) - [ Twitter ](#) - [ Linkedin ](#)